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"Autocracy is the biggest enemy for queer people"

Resistance to LGBTQI* issues has increased in the Western world recently. In Switzerland, too, there is a mobilization against "woke madness and gender nonsense." Prominent political analyst Michael Hermann explains why this is working – and how the queer movement can still make further progress.

Text: Ralf Kaminski


Queer rights have made enormous progress in the Western world over the past 25 years. Is this the reason for the backlash we are currently witnessing almost everywhere? Was this virtually inevitable?

Not inevitably. But the success of the queer movement has led to a shift in its demands. Many of the earlier demands have now been met; lesbians and gay men can marry, have children, and enjoy largely equal rights. This has led to new, more far-reaching demands—and to new forms of resistance. At the same time, the progress achieved so far for gay and bisexual people doesn't seem to be in question; they are now part of the societal mainstream in the West. Therefore, "backlash" might not be the right term.


So, is there resistance primarily towards other groups active under the LGBTQI* label?

Trans or non-binary people are still relatively new topics for many. Moreover, they fundamentally challenge supposed certainties about gender. This is provocative, much like homosexuality was in the 1980s. Furthermore, these topics have become intertwined with the culture war debate surrounding wokeness, which triggers additional resistance.


"Suddenly there is a 'right' or 'wrong' that affects everyone in their daily lives. It shouldn't really be surprising that this provokes resistance in some people."

I'm now hearing from people in my queer circle that we've "gone overboard" with our demands – that they're simply too aggressive with their language regulations and identity antics. How do you perceive this?

That's something. The nature of the demands has changed. Previously, the queer movement advocated for tolerance and acceptance, trying to awaken empathy for a different kind of love. What they wanted primarily concerned themselves; it demanded little change from everyone else. That's different today. Suddenly, for example, one is supposed to adapt one's language to include, with the gender asterisk, those who don't identify with any gender. Suddenly, there's a "right" or "wrong" that affects everyone in everyday life. The arguments are much more morally driven – something that used to be more the domain of the church. It shouldn't really come as a surprise that this provokes resistance from some people.


Michael Hermann (52) leitet das Forschungsinstitut Sotomo und unterrichtet «Geografie der Schweiz» an der Universität Zürich. Der Politgeograf lebt mit seiner Partnerin in Zürich. (Bild: zVg)
Michael Hermann (52) leitet das Forschungsinstitut Sotomo und unterrichtet «Geografie der Schweiz» an der Universität Zürich. Der Politgeograf lebt mit seiner Partnerin in Zürich. (Bild: zVg)

So are we actually overdoing it?

The underlying desire is by no means exaggerated. Many affected individuals suffer under the current legal and social situation surrounding gender identity. Legal improvements and greater social freedom are needed. However, I do believe that some current methods are counterproductive. Morally charged demands that require "correct" behavior generate unnecessary resistance. This actually makes achieving the goals more difficult, because some feel that the demanded tolerance is not met with tolerance. A certain generational conflict is also evident here.


In what form?

Within the queer movement, there are now the established figures, the old guard, who have made it and are, in a sense, "bourgeoisified." These are the first three letters: LGB. And then there are the newcomers, who haven't been around as long and still have to fight for recognition. And sometimes they do so using different methods. These differences can also be observed among older feminists, who worry that legal changes in the area of gender identity will weaken the protection of women.


"I see little risk of the political backlash in the US spilling over into Western Europe."

What do you see as the reasons for the success of the queer movement?

It certainly also has to do with the time in which it was achieved. The Western world enjoyed peace and stability, and there were opportunities for economic advancement. But this was also part of a civilizing process that had been progressing since the Middle Ages. First, the relationship between men and women began to change, then the same thing happened with values and attitudes towards sexuality. I don't believe that this will suddenly stop now.


But the world is rather unstable at the moment, and many people are also worried about the economy.

This is actually not conducive to progress in this area. More fundamental, material concerns take precedence. Post-materialist, progressive concerns are less likely to garner a majority in such phases.


Returning to the backlash: In the US, the focus is no longer solely on trans people or drag queens. There are now states where queer topics are banned from schools and relevant literature is removed from libraries. This also affects LGBTQ+ people. And the Republican Party is now widely copying this approach in the hope of gaining additional votes.

True, but this is the US, where politics works differently than in Western Europe. The influence of evangelicals is much greater, especially on Republicans. Added to this is the enormous polarization, which intensifies the culture war over woke issues—on both sides. And indeed, there is a real backlash in the states where the Republican Party is in power. However, I see little risk of this spilling over into Western Europe.


In Florida, queer topics are no longer allowed to be discussed in schools.


Nevertheless, since Ron DeSantis, Governor of Florida and US presidential candidate, began enacting his anti-queer laws, he has been readily and sometimes quite successfully copied by the international right-wing populists.

But Putin and Orban had already been successfully using these issues for political purposes long before DeSantis.


True, but DeSantis focuses on schools, that is, on children and young people – and their potential influence or even "recruitment." Is that why homophobic politics are now working so well in the West?

There's a whole spectrum of anxieties surrounding children, of course, and this topic provides a good point of connection. Especially when you feel your kids are picking up things at school that clash with family values at home. Furthermore, schools are traditionally a popular battleground in the US – for example, when it comes to whether or not the theory of evolution should be taught. DeSantis has now applied this to this topic. And because Florida has a large Latino population, who generally hold more conservative values, this approach has worked quite well there.


"This is also about the power to interpret key social issues."

Is it also a political power struggle? Conservatives worry that children in schools are being "infected" too much with liberal values, which jeopardizes their own electoral chances?

That definitely plays a role. It's also about the power to interpret key social issues.


Does the commotion surrounding the "Gender Day" at a school in Stäfa show that there is also potential for such interventions in our country?

Only to a limited extent, because the SVP's success was limited precisely in this area. For me, this is more of an example where the right wing overstepped the mark – there was a lot of criticism, especially from bourgeois circles. Which shows that you simply can't copy US strategies wholesale here.


But that is exactly what the SVP tried to do in the election campaign with its fight against "woke madness and gender nonsense".

Yes, but it took a while for the issue to catch on in Switzerland. Initially, it began as a debate in the arts and culture sections of newspapers, primarily the NZZ. At that point, it barely registered with the general public. This only truly changed when, in mid-2022, a reggae concert at the Brasserie Lorraine in Bern was shut down due to "cultural appropriation"—because some of the white musicians wore dreadlocks, apparently making some members of the audience uncomfortable. This reaction sparked widespread public outrage, and from then on, the issue could also be used for political purposes.


In 2022, there was great excitement surrounding a concert cancellation at the Brasserie Lorraine in Bern.


Does this sentiment extend beyond the SVP milieu? And beyond the third who voted against same-sex marriage in 2021?

Absolutely. Our surveys show that this form of wokeness annoys a majority of people. However, I'm skeptical whether that's why so many more people are voting for the SVP. The rekindled migration issue played a significantly larger role in the party's renewed gains in the elections. The main driving force for right-wing parties is always "us versus them." That's why the SVP's attempt to exploit the urban-rural divide, also an import from the USA, didn't work. People may be annoyed by the left-leaning cities, but somehow they're still part of the picture.


How much of the political management of these issues is pure political calculation – done because it could bring in votes – and how much is actually meant seriously in terms of content?

Even within the Swiss People's Party (SVP), there has been some progress regarding the acceptance of gays and lesbians. The openly gay former National Councillor from Zurich, Hans-Ueli Vogt, was even the party's official candidate for the Federal Council. However, in the wokeness and gender debate, genuine conviction certainly plays a role. Nevertheless, the political focus is primarily on those issues that provoke widespread outrage. These are not about abortion or homosexuality, but rather about puberty blockers for children, gender-neutral restrooms, the gender asterisk, or the ban on the term "Mohrenkopf" (a type of chocolate-covered marshmallow treat).


"The potentates of these states feel attacked and patronized, as men and as autocrats."

In other parts of the world, opposition to queer people has never subsided. The situation remains difficult for them in Eastern Europe as well. Why is that?

Because, unlike in the West, demands for equality don't just originate within society itself, but are imposed from the outside. This mobilizes not only conservative forces who oppose change. Here, the classic religious-conservative reflex combines with a political anti-Western impulse. In the East, queer concerns are a symbol of the decadent, effeminate West, which challenges their social order. Therefore, resistance is also deeply rooted within the population.


But even countries where life has always been difficult for LGBTQI* people are currently tightening the screws further, such as Uganda with the introduction of the death penalty for homosexual acts – which is now inspiring other countries in the region. Why is it so easy to politicize these countries with ever-increasing harshness?

The distancing from the West plays a major role here as well. Many of these countries are still very traditional and patriarchal culturally. They consider the erosion of the classical ideal of masculinity in the West to be decadent and degenerate. And it is precisely the potentates of these states who feel attacked and patronized, both as men and as autocrats. It is also interesting to note that the main opposition to Western values has shifted from the Islamic world to Russia, China, and sub-Saharan Africa. This cultural and power struggle is tragically being waged at the expense of these very vulnerable segments of the population, and the situation is highly charged and entrenched.


The laws against queer people in Russia are becoming increasingly harsh.


Why are authoritarian regimes so aggressive on these issues?

Authoritarianism is typically male and hierarchical, and therefore feels particularly threatened. An interesting case is China, where, before Xi Jinping came to power, many areas of society had become more liberal. As a classic autocrat, he has since reversed all of these changes. And such "strong men" still resonate with parts of the population, not only in China.


Religion has long been the main adversary for queer people. Is this now increasingly shifting into the realm of politics?

Yes, a kind of secularization of intolerance is underway. The arguments are still similar, but no longer so closely linked to religion. Even in the Islamic world, religion is losing power; it plays a significantly smaller role today than autocratic, male-dominated power politics—and certainly in Russia and China.


Long-time activists are now asking with concern whether LGBTQI* rights may have already passed their peak. Currently, progress is being made in fewer countries than in others. Could hard-won rights even be curtailed again in the coming years?

Outside the democratic Western world, things can indeed be more difficult. And also anywhere else where societies are susceptible to autocrats. Once autocracy is established, it's almost impossible to get rid of it today, as is evident in Hungary. It is therefore not only the greatest enemy for queer people, but for our liberal Western way of life as a whole. For countries with a high degree of individualization and strong democratic values, however, I remain optimistic; there will be progress for trans and non-binary people there as well.


"The queer movement should not mandate tolerance, but rather awaken it through positive persuasion. Then further progress will follow."

For many young people in the Western world and parts of Asia, queer people are now quite commonplace. And progressive-minded heterosexuals automatically advocate for queer rights – they are simply part of their worldview. This was hardly the case ten years ago. Does this contain a seed of hope for further progress?

Yes, that perfectly illustrates the civilizational progress of recent decades. Today, individual lifestyle choices are widely accepted. But this hasn't reached everyone yet. Especially among young men, there are some who feel their masculinity is threatened when they encounter queer people. They then position themselves on the other side in the culture war.


And they also tend to favor right-wing populist parties, all of which have more or less autocratic tendencies. Are they currently the greatest danger for queer people in Western Europe?

Absolutely. Although here in Switzerland we have a certain degree of protection because autocracy doesn't work in our political system. Elsewhere in Europe, however, there is a real danger if such figures come to power. And Western Europe is clearly under pressure today from these authoritarian tendencies, both internal and external. All the more so if the US were to change course, which is entirely possible.


How can the queer movement, despite everything, try to achieve further progress? What should it avoid?

Prescribing rules to others and moralizing them is counterproductive. Tolerance shouldn't be mandated, but rather cultivated through positive persuasion. This means showcasing success stories, highlighting individual experiences, and appealing to people's empathy: What does it mean for a child who is uncomfortable with their gender identity? Many people are highly sensitive to such issues; they just need to be approached in the right way. Then further progress will follow.

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